Setting Up Shop at the GOP: The Bush administration welcomes conservative Catholics with open arms

By Patricia Miller
Autumn 2001

Catholics are in fashion in Washington.

Catholic voters are being wooed by the Republican Party a full three-and-one-half years before the next presidential election. President Bush is spouting Catholic theology and holding up Catholic social activist Dorothy Day as a role model. Catholic thinkers and policy makers are being given influential roles within the Bush inner circle. For years, Americans concerned about social justice issues, women’s right to reproductive healthcare and the separation of church and state have worried about the influence of the conservative Christian Right on the Republican Party. But an analysis of the recent campaign and Bush’s first six months in office makes it clear that there is a new religious power in Washington that is growing in influence in its own right and aligned with the policy priorities of the Christian Right: the Catholic Right. And while they are in the minority among Catholics, these right-leaning Catholics have been catapulted to positions of influence as the result of efforts by the president and the Republican Party to expand the base of the party by attracting Catholics.

Who are these conservative Catholics who are exercising influence and setting priorities for the new administration? In this special report, Conscience examines the key Catholic players within Bush’s inner circle, the various ways in which they are exercising their influence, and what it means.

The thought of an electoral alliance between conservative Catholics and the Christian Right has long had conservatives salivating. A year before the 1996 presidential election, the Christian Coalition, which estimated at the time that 16% of its 1.7 million members were Catholic, launched a spin-off called the Catholic Alliance specifically to capitalize on what it perceived to be significant crossover between conservative Christians and Catholics on issues such as abortion and school prayer.

“[T]hank God that Catholics and evangelicals have found one another. If some people find that scary, it’s because they realize the tide is turning,” wrote Deal Hudson in Crisis magazine in November of 1995.1 Hudson, a former philosophy professor and Baptist minister who converted to Catholicism, had only recently taken the helm of the conservative Catholic magazine. He would soon play a leading role in the growing alliance between conservative Catholics and the GOP.

In the short run, however, the tide didn’t turn fast enough for the Alliance. The effort faltered over the deep divisions between Catholic teaching and conservative Christians on issues such as welfare, the death penalty, healthcare and immigration. Many members of the Catholic hierarchy were clearly disturbed by the efforts of the Alliance to distribute voter score-cards that were supposedly representative of Catholic stances on issues and took pains to distance themselves from the Alliance. Los Angeles Archbishop Roger Mahoney told the Los Angeles Times, “I see in it a great deal of danger because it sounds as if it is Catholic and a lot of people I know are confused and think somehow the church position supports it.”2 Albany Bishop Howard Hubbard told an executive session of the U.S. bishops annual meeting that he was disturbed both by the “partisan tone” of the scorecard mailed by the Christian Coalition and its “blatant untruths,” as well as “this organization’s stated purpose of representing the Catholic community before the Congress, state legislatures and other governmental bodies.” 3 Richmond Bishop Walter Sullivan told parishioners, “We cannot allow the church to be used for partisan purposes.”4

The Christian Coalition tried to dampen the criticism of its Catholic outreach efforts by spinning off the Alliance as a separately incorporated entity in 1997 and appointing a Catholic Board of Directors, which included Deal Hudson, and a Catholic Advisory Board. Among the members of the Advisory Board were Crisis co-founder Michael Novak, a well-known neoconservative thinker associated with the American Enterprise Institute, a think tank that promotes free-market policies, and William Simon, the president of the Olin Foundation, which funds efforts to promote conservative policies-including the American Enterprise Institute and the Heritage Foundation. Despite the changes, and the appointment of former Boston Mayor and Vatican Ambassador Ray Flynn to lead the Alliance in 1999, the Alliance never recovered from its initial high-profile clashes with the bishops and was not a major force in either the 1996 or 2000 elections, although it claimed a membership of 125,000 in 1999.5

Fast forward to 1999. The Christian Coalition, racked by internal conflict, a loss of leadership and declining membership, is not the political force it once was in the 1980s and early 1990s. The presidential election of 2000 is shaping up to be contentious, and once again looks as if it will hinge on a band of states in the Northeast and Rust Belt-New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, and Illinois-that are heavily Catholic.

Seizing the importance of this key constituency and realizing its increasing tendency to swing between parties, in February of 1999 the Republican National Committee launched a “Catholic Task Force” to drum up support for Bush’s presidential bid among Catholics. The roster of the RNC’s Catholic Task Force read like a “who’s who” among politically conservative Catholic policymakers, legislators and businesspeople. The chair was Thomas Melady, the former US ambassador to the Vatican. Other members included Mary Cunningham Agee, founder of the Nurturing Network; William Barr, former attorney general under the first President Bush; Peter Flanigan, a trustee of the conservative John M. Olin Foundation; Alexander Haig, former Secretary of State in the Reagan administration; and John Klink, an adviser to the Holy See’s UN Mission. Former Baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn was the state chair of Florida.

In June of 1999, Crisis magazine published an article by pollster Steve Wagner entitled “The Heart of the Catholic Voter,” which suggested that “social justice” Catholics were old news and had been replaced by “social renewal” Catholics who were aligned with the political priorities of the Republican Party. He followed that up with a second article in January of 2000 entitled “Catholics and Evangelicals-Can They Be Allies?” which suggested that Mass-attending Catholics and the Christian Right are natural allies and could form a powerful electoral coalition for the Republican Party. According to an account written by conservative activist Grover Norquist for the American Spectator, Crisis publisher Deal Hudson sent the Crisis survey to all the presidential candidates, but Bush adviser Karl Rove was the only one to show interest. Rove invited Hudson and 20 prominent Catholics to two meetings in September of 1999 and May of 2000.6 Also in May, Bush met with Father Frank Pavone, head of Priests for Life, which claims a membership of 13% of US Catholic priests (6,000 priests).7,8

Shortly after the second meeting between Bush’s advisers and Catholics, in June of 2000, the GOP announced it was dramatically expanding and escalating its Catholic outreach, referring explicitly to Wagner’s work. Republican National Committee Chair Jim Nicholson said, “We’re shifting into high gear in our efforts to engage Catholic voters. We believe, based on solid research, that Catholic voters are especially inclined this year to support Republican candidates, and we intend to do everything we can to realize this potential.” 9

Melady was moved to general chairman of the Task Force, and in his place as chairman, high-profile Philadelphia public relations and advertising executive Brian Tierney was brought in. Tierney, head of Tierney Communications, the largest communications agency in Philadelphia, has close links to the Archdiocese of Philadelphia. Pollster Steve Wagner, president of QEV Analytics, a Washington-based public opinion research firm, was named executive director of the task force. The RNC announced it would focus on swing states with heavily Catholic populations: Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, Missouri, New Jersey, Illinois, Ohio, Florida, Maine and Louisiana.

By the Republican National Convention, the newly retooled task force was in full swing. During the convention, it was assigned a prime luxury skybox—usually reserved for big-ticket corporate donors—where Tierney welcomed guests including vocal anti-abortion opponent Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ), then VP nominee Dick Cheney and a parade of priests, nuns and prominent Catholic business people.10 Tierney, a close adviser to Philadelphia Archbishop Anthony Bevilacqua, arranged for the cardinal to give the convention’s closing, prime-time benediction.

Tierney was also the guiding hand behind the assembling of a list of three million church-attending Catholics who were targeted by a $2.5 million Republican direct mail and outreach effort.11 During the final months of the campaign, each Catholic on the list received “at least two phone calls and two pieces of direct mail, highlighting issues such as violence, sex on television, gay leaders in the Boy Scouts, same-sex marriage, and abortion.”12 The first mailing, which featured a priest on the cover, read: “American Catholics ask: Which presidential candidate represents our values?”13

At the same time, candidate Bush began to incorporate references to Catholic social teaching in his speeches, most notably the idea of subsidiarity—that local problems are best solved by local actors. As Franklin Foer has noted, the roots of Bush’s “compas-sionate conservatism” can be traced from Texas academic Marvin Olasky, author of The Tragedy of American Compassion, back to the work of Catholic neoconservatives Michael Novak and Richard John Neuhaus, who worked to reconcile Catholicism and capitalism by asserting that local groups and governments could better serve the needs of the poor than big government—thereby absolving the federal government of responsibility for the poor while paying lip service to Catholic social justice teaching. Bush reportedly was tutored in Catholic social teaching by Neuhaus, a convert from the Lutheran church, and John DiIulio, a conservative Catholic crimi-nologist who would become the head of Bush’s faith-based effort, and Deal Hudson.14



No sooner had the Bushes moved into the White House then they stepped out for one of their first social engagements—dinner at the residence of Washington Archbishop Theodore McCarrick just five days after Bush took the oath of office. The meeting was arranged by Deal Hudson at the request of Rove in a call made the morning after the inauguration.15 In attendance were Apostolic Nuncio Archbishop Gabriel Montalvo, outgoing Washington Archbishop James Hickey, and Galveston-Houston Bishop Joseph Fiorenza, president of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops.16 Shortly after, Bush outlined his plans for a “faith-based initiative” that would allow religious groups to participate in government-funded social service programs without the existing limitations on linking social services to religious activities.

On January 31, Bush met at the White House with 30 Catholic leaders to solicit their support for the program. In attendance were Cardinal Frances George of Chicago; Cardinal Edward Egan of New York; Bishop Fiorenza; former Domino’s Pizza magnate Thomas Monaghan; Ken Hackett, exec-utive director of Catholic Relief Services; Mother Agnes Mary Donovan, superior general of the Sisters of Life, a small order of anti-abortion nuns; and Father David O’Connell of the Catholic University of America. Egan, Arlington, Virginia Bishop Paul Loverde, Denver Archbishop Charles Chaput, Miami Archbishop Joseph Favalora and Deal Hudson joined Bush and Rove in a private luncheon at the White House.17

The meeting offered a unique perspective on the private, heavily anti-abortion messages that Bush is delivering to Catholic leaders when an audio feed from the closed-door meeting was mistakenly delivered to the White House press room. Despite his public pronouncements that the faith-based program is not about pushing the views of any particular religion on recipients of social services, when he spoke to the bishops, Bush explicitly linked his faith-based initiative to efforts to change attitudes about abortion rights.

“Take the life issue,” he said, “this issue requires a president and an administration leading our nation to understand the importance of life. This whole faith-based initiative really ties into a larger cultural issue that we’re working on…because when you’re talking about welcoming people of faith to help people who are disadvantaged and are unable to defend themselves, the logical step is also those babies.” 18



Bush had previously met with many of the members of the Catholic hierarchy present at the White House that day in the course of the campaign. In fact, it seemed that Bush rarely missed an opportunity to have his picture taken with a local bishop, especially as it became clear late in the race that many of the key swing states were heavily Catholic. In late September, he met with Archbishop Mahony of Los Angeles.19 In October, Bush had a private, 45-minute meeting with New York Archbishop Edward Egan—nine days later, Egan released a pastoral letter urging Catholics to vote for those “who share our commitment to the fundamental rights of the unborn.” On October 26, Bush met with Pittsburgh Bishop Donald Wuerl.20 Bush returned to Pennsylvania to meet with Philadelphia Archbishop Bevilacqua on the last weekend before the presidential election. The Philadelphia Archdiocese distributed some 250,000 voter guides prepared by the US Catholic Conference in its 283 parishes.21All in all, according to Tierney, Bush met with more than a dozen bishops during the campaign.22

The meetings with bishops contin-ued even after Bush took office. In addition to the large White House gathering, Bush held a private meeting with influential Boston Archbishop Bernard Law the following week. He has continued to meet with local bishops consistently on his post-election travels throughout the country: St. Louis Archbishop Justin Rigali in February, Pittsburgh Bishop Wuerl in April.23 In May, Bush took time from his packed schedule to meet again with Bevilacqua on a trip to Philadelphia.24 Later that month, he visited St. Augustine Church in Cleveland to “praise” Bishop Anthony Pilla.25 And in the ultimate hierarchical visit on July 23, Bush will meet the pope in Rome. Princeton University political scientist and informal Bush adviser Robert George recently noted, “[I]n 1960, John Kennedy went from Washington down to Texas to assure Protestant preachers that he would not obey the pope. In 2001, George Bush came from Texas up to Washington to assure a group of Catholic bishops that he would.”26



Beyond the bishops’ high-profile politicking with the president—and perhaps more importantly for the long-term shape and direction of US social policy—conservative Catholics are playing a crucial role in the inner circle of the Bush administration, both formally and informally as advisers on outreach and policy regarding the so-called Catholic vote.

Bush has named a slew of Catholics to highly visible roles within the White House and key agencies. Some have histories within the conservative movement and links to well-known conservative Catholics such as former Education Secretary and Book of Virtues author Bill Bennett, while others are party loyalists with links to important constituencies such as Hispanic Catholics. However, one potential nominee appears to have been put forth to placate a very special constituency: the Catholic hierarchy. In May, women’s rights and refugee groups were shocked to learn that Bush intended to nominate John Klink, who has served as an adviser to the Holy See Mission to the United Nations, as the head of the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration. Klink was a key player in the Vatican’s obstructionist maneuvering at the International Conference on Population and Development—where the Vatican held up the consensus on the final report for days by insisting on linking the term “family planning” to abortion. Not only do many consider Klink’s experience on refugee issues to be insufficient, but the Vatican delegations that Klink served on unequivocally condemned the use of condoms to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS and modern methods of contraception. Word that Klink, who served on the original RNC Catholic Task Force, was being considered over Secretary of State Colin Powell’s choice of a career state depart-ment official fueled speculation that his potential nomination was a payback to the Catholic church.27

Another controversial Bush nomination is that of John Negroponte to be ambassador to the UN. Negroponte served as the US ambassador to Honduras in the early 1980s when the government conducted a campaign of terror against its citizens that reportedly included abductions, torture and assassinations. Many human rights observers insist that the US knew about the abuses and ignored them, largely because Honduras was being used by the Reagan administration as a base for covert military operations against the Communist Sandinistas in Nicaragua. Negroponte reportedly orchestrated the US effort. During his tenure, US military aid to Honduras rose from $4 million to $77 million, while Negroponte continued to deny any knowledge of human rights abuses on the part of the Honduran government.28 Recently “declassified documents and interviews suggest that Negroponte consistently acted to protect the brutal actions of a military whose high command was bent on swiftly crushing any possibility of leftist revolt,” a Los Angeles Times article concluded.29

On the domestic front, one of the most prominent players in the White House is the director of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, which is being led by self-described “born again” Catholic John DiIulio. DiIulio, previously a professor of politics, religion and civil society at the University of Pennsylvania, came to national attention in 1996 when he co-authored a controversial book called Body Count with conservative Catholic and former Bush administration drug czar Bill Bennett. The book, which was widely criticized for hyping the problem of inner city crime, predicted a “rising tide of juvenile superpredators” and called for a dramatic increase in incarceration to combat the problem. Since that time, DiIulio has become more involved in his Catholic faith, and toned down his rhetoric, while becoming interested in using faith-based community programs to combat crime in the inner city.30 He was somewhat of a surprise to lead the office; the job had been expected to go to former Indianapolis Mayor Stephen Goldsmith, who is not Catholic but had been advising Bush informally on the issue.

Bush’s choice to head the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) was another Catholic, former four-term Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson. Thompson is best known as the creator of the Wisconsin Works, or W2, welfare reform program, which reduced the state’s welfare caseload from 98,000 to 16,000 and served as a model for national welfare reform.31Thompson also launched the nation’s first school voucher program to allow low-income families to send their children to religious schools using state funding. As head of HHS, Thompson will oversee the Food and Drug Administration, the Medicare and Medicaid health programs, as well as an estimated 80% of the funding that would be eligible for the faith-based initiative. Thompson opposes abortion, but was known as a reliable supporter of family planning programs while governor of Wisconsin. He will be responsible for implementing the Bush administration’s decision regarding federal funding for embryonic stem-cell research—which is officially opposed by the Catholic hierarchy, but which Thompson has previously supported.

Significantly, Bush appointed Father Michael Place, president of the Catholic Health Association—the organization that represents the nation’s Catholic hospitals and made a $25,000 contribution to the Bush inaugural fund—to the HHS transition team.32 The CHA has announced its intention to push for a blanket federal exemption for Catholic organizations from laws that require the provision of reproductive health services such as contraception. Place said of his appointment, “As the president turns his campaign proposals into legislative initiatives to take to Capitol Hill, CHA will find opportunities to explore common ground on these issues and others.33

Other key Catholic appointments to the Bush administration include Mel Martinez, a Cuban-American lawyer who was the chief elected official of Orange County, Florida, and the former head of Orlando’s housing authority, as secretary of Housing and Urban Development.34 The move was widely viewed as payback for the crucial support of Cuban-Americans in the tight Florida presidential race.35 On April 6, President Bush nominated former Republican National Committee Chair Jim Nicholson to be ambassador to the Vatican.36 Shortly afterward, he named Scott Evertz as the director of the White House Office of National AIDS Policy in the first appointment of an openly gay person by a Republican administration. Evertz, a Catholic, was the former president of the Wisconsin Log Cabin Republicans, has political ties to former Gov. Tommy Thompson and was a fundraiser for the Order of St. Camillus, a Catholic AIDS ministry.37



Beyond the official appointments, there is a host of conservative Catholics who have become key advisers to Bush on the so-called “Catholic strategy.” At the locus of many of the relationships and conversations regarding the Catholic vote is Deal Hudson. It was Hudson who reportedly brought Steve Wagner’s work to the attention of the Republican Party and who arranged many key meetings, including Bush’s post-election dinner with Washington Archbishop Theodore McCarrick. He has served as the liaison between the Bush team and the conservative Catholic community since 1998.38

Crisis magazine’s role in promoting and facilitating the Catholic strategy is interesting given the conservative interests that fund its parent organization, the Morley Institute. Major funders of Crisis include the Bradley Foundation and the Olin Foundation. The Olin Foundation funds right-wing think tanks such as the American Enterprise Institute and the Heritage Foundation. It also works to promote conservative programs at the nation’s prestigious colleges and universities. The Bradley Foundation is the largest of the conservative foundations—it has been heavily involved in the issues of welfare reform and school vouchers, as well as the larger issues of the roll-back of social welfare programs and the deregulation of business. In addition to funding the American Enterprise Institute and the Heritage Foundation, it has published the work of conservatives such as Charles Murray, co-author of The Bell Curve; Jack Kemp; William Bennett and Robert Bork.39 Funding for Crisis’ Catholic voters project came from the Philip M. McKenna Foundation of Latrobe, PA, which also funds the Free Congress Foundation, the Heritage Foundation, and the Pennsylvania Family Institute.40

Crisis magazine was founded in 1982 by conservative Catholic writer Michael Novak of the American Enterprise Institute and Ralph McInerny, creator of the Father Dowling mysteries. Hudson took over as editor and publisher in 1996, having previously served as editor.

Michael S. Joyce, who retired as president of the Bradley Foundation in July of 2001 and is a well-known advocate of school vouchers, is also playing a key role in Bush’s faith-based initiative. After the initiative began to falter in early May due to concerns among many in Congress that it would not have sufficient constitutional and civil rights protections, Bush adviser Carl Rove reportedly called Joyce and asked him to “undertake a private initiative” to rescue the floundering program. In June, Joyce opened Americans for Community and Faith-Centered Enterprise in Washington to lobby support for the program, particularly among moderate Democrats.41



While most people are still getting used to the idea of President George Bush II, the Republican Party already has its eye on the next election cycle: the 2002 congressional elections and the 2004 presidential elections. On April 18, Republican National Committee Chair Jim Gilmore announced the new National Catholic Leadership Forum—in effect Phase III of the Catholic Task Force. Deal Hudson has been named the GOP’s new national chairman for Catholic outreach. At the inaugural meeting of the forum on April 25, attended by some 350 Catholics, Hudson said, “The time for talk is over. The time to organize Catholics behind the party of life—that time has begun.”42

Also speaking at the April meeting were Sen. Rick Santorum (R-PA) and Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ), two vocal congressional opponents of reproductive rights. The Republican National Committee declined to release a full listing of task force members, but according to press accounts members include Steve Wagner, who will remain as executive director, and Michael Steele, chair of the Maryland Republican Party. Ana Gamonol, director of Hispanic affairs for the Republican National Committee, is deputy director of the new division within the Republican Party that will house the Catholic outreach effort and outreach to the Hispanic, African American and Asian communities. The strategy of the Catholic Leadership Forum is to recruit Catholic “team leaders” to “participate in conference calls with policy-makers, provide the e-mail addresses of 10 fellow Republicans, call local talk-radio programs, recruit additional ’team leaders’ and forward Republican e-mail to five of their friends.”43

Many of the task force members participate in a weekly White House conference call on Catholic strategy. The Thursday conference call, hosted by Tim Goeglin of the White House Public Liaison Office, has a rotating roster of participants, but regulars include Hudson, Princeton University political scientist and natural law scholar Robert George, Rev. Robert Sirico of the Acton Institute—which promotes free-market capitalism from a Catholic perspective—and Steve Wagner. The Catholic conference call was reportedly one of the factors that helped sink the attorney general nomination of moderate Republican Gov. Marc Racicot in favor of ultra-conservative John Ashcroft.44

Bush continues to make high-profile Catholic appearances and pepper his speeches with references to Catholic social teaching. On March 22, he spoke at the dedication of the Pope John Paul II Cultural Center in Washington, DC, praising the pope effusively and speaking of the “culture of life,”45 and hosting 60 members of the hierarchy and Catholic leaders at a White House reception. Then in May, he delivered the commencement speech at Notre Dame University and called for a “new war on poverty”—albeit one led by private charities—while quoting Catholic social activist Dorothy Day. In his speech, Bush forgot to note that Day was a socialist, or that the Catholic worker movement she founded refused government funding for fear it would corrupt their work.46

Whether or not Bush’s rhetoric is just new window dressing on old conservative policies, the reality is that the Bush administration is pursuing two very different, and contradictory, constituencies with its “Catholic strategy.” In order to win the Catholic vote, they are attempting to woo a Catholic hierarchy that is fundamentally at odds with Catholic voters.

The issue of stem cell research is a perfect illustration of the quandary the Bush administration finds itself in. According to news accounts, the Bush camp is deeply divided over whether or not to allow embryonic stem cell research to continue with federal funding. Stem cells—the master cells that can turn into any other type of cell in the body—hold tremendous promise to cure a host of diseases, including Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s disease and diabetes. HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson, whose agency oversees federal research funding, has championed stem cell research. Even many anti-abortion politicians favor the research. But the Catholic hierarchy is staunchly opposed to stem cell research. Bush strategist Karl Rove is reportedly leading the faction within the White House opposing federal funding for stem cell research out of fear of losing the “Catholic vote.”47 “I’ve talked a little with Karl Rove. He is concerned about the views of the Catholic church on these issues because Catholic voters are seen as such a swing vote in the elections,” said Richard Doerflinger of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.48

But Catholics overwhelmingly support stem cell research. According to a recent poll by The Coalition for the Advancement of Medical Research, 71% of American Catholics support federal funding for stem cell research.49 It is the Catholic bishops that the administration risks alienating with a progressive policy on stem cell research, not Catholic voters. On this issue, as with so many others, it may be impossible for the Bush administration to safely traverse the deep divide between the official positions of the Catholic hierarchy and the Catholics who actually count in the voting booth.



1 Deal Hudson, “Together Again,” Crisis, November 1995.
2 “Cardinal Slams Catholic Alliance,” National Catholic Register, March 17, 1996.
3 “Remarks on the Christian Coalition’s Catholic Alliance,” Origins, Dec. 7, 1995.
4 Esther Diskin, “Bishop Rejects Christian Coalition,” Norfolk Virginia-Pilot, Sept. 12, 1995.
5 Gustav Niebuhr, “Ray Flynn to Head Catholic Groups with Conservative Roots,” The New York Times, March 13, 1999.
6 Grover Norquist, “The Catholic Vote,” The American Spectator, October 2000.
7 “Fr. Pavone, Head of Priests for Life, Meets with Governor George Bush,” National Right to Life News, May 2000.
8 Membership information from Priests for Life, July 2000,
9 “Republicans Reaching Out to Catholics,” Catholic World News, June 30, 2000.
10 Peter Stone, “Wooing Catholics from Heavenly Heights,” National Journal, August 1, 2000.
11 Joseph Conn, “The Bishops Biased Blessing,” Church & State, December 2000.
12 Ryan Lizza, “Salvation,” The New Republic, April 13, 2001.
13 Larry Witham, “Bush to Court Catholic Voters,” The Washington Times, Oct. 1, 2000.
14 Franklin Foer, “Spin Doctrine,” The New Republic, June 5, 2000.
15 Ryan Lizza, “Salvation,” The New Republic, April 13, 2001.
16 Paul Likoudis, “Only Days Into His Term, New President Links with Catholics,” The Wanderer, Feb. 8, 2001.
17 Brian McGuire, “Bush Meets with Catholics on Faith-Based Initiatives,” National Catholic Register, Feb. 11-17, 2001. 18 “Bush ‘Ties’ Faith-Based Plan to Antiabortion Effort,” Kaiser Daily Reproductive Health Report, Feb. 1, 2001.
19 Larry Witham, “Bush to Court Catholic Voters,” The Washington Times, Oct. 1, 2000.
20 Peter Stone, “Bush’s Catholic Outreach,” National Journal, Oct. 28, 2000.
21 Joseph Conn, “The Bishops Biased Blessing,” Church & State, December 2000.
22 Peter Stone, “Bush’s Catholic Outreach,” National Journal, Oct. 28, 2000
23 Ryan Lizza, “Salvation,” The New Republic, April 13, 2001.
24 Bill Straub, “GOP Courts Catholics,” Scripps Howard News Service, May 15, 2001.
25 Adam Clymer, “Bush is Actively Courting Catholic Votes for 2004,” The New York Times, June 1, 2001.
26 Thomas Edsall, “Bush Aims to Strengthen Catholic Base,” The Washington Post, April 16, 2001.
27 “White House Rejects Powell’s Choice to Run Refugee Bureau,” The New York Times, May 24, 2001.
28 Sarah Wildman, “W Picks an Amoralist for the United Nations,” The New Republic, March 8, 2001.
29 Christian Miller and Maggie Farley, “Cold War Stalks Bush’s UN Pick,” The Los Angeles Times, May 7, 2001.
30 Tim Stafford, “The Criminologist Who Discovered Churches,” Christianity Today, June 14, 1999.
31 Jenny Price, “Bush Picks Thompson for HHS,” AP, Dec. 30, 2000.
32 Memorandum from Catholic Health Association CEO Michael Place to Colleagues in Health Ministry re: Inauguration Committee Sponsorship and Media Inquiry, February 14, 2001.
33 “Fr. Place Offers Input to Bush Transition Team,” Catholic Health World, Jan. 29, 2001.
34 Tamara Lytle, “Mel Martinez: 100 Days in D.C.,” The Orlando Sentinel, April 24, 2001.
35 Christopher Marquis, “Joining the Team, a Right-Hand Man, a Refugee and a Capital Returnee,” The New York Times, Dec. 21, 2000.
36 “Former Republican Chairman Nominated for Vatican Post,” Catholic New York, April 12, 2001.
37 Elizabeth Becker, “AIDS post goes to state man,” The New York Times, April 9, 2001.
38 Brian McGuire, “Bush Meets with Catholics on Faith-Based Initiative,” National Catholic Register, Feb. 11-17, 2001.
40. “Money, Power and the Radical Right in Pennsylvania,” Pennsylvania Alliance for Democracy,
41. Mike Allen, “Bush Aims to Get Faith Initiative Back on Track,” The Washington Post, June 25, 2001.
42. Joshua Merger, “GOP Starts Initiative to Court Catholic Voters,” National Catholic Register, May 6-12, 2001.
43. Will Lester, “GOP Looks to Attract Catholics,” AP, April 24, 2001.
44. Ryan Lizza, “Salvation,” The New Republic, April 13, 2001.
45. Ryan Lizza, “Salvation,” The New Republic, April 13, 2001.
46. Joan Walsh, “Bush’s Brand-New Day,, May 22, 2001.
47. Ceci Connolly and Rick Weiss, “Stem Cell Research Divides Administration,” The Washington Post, June 12, 2001.
48. Robert Pear, “Bush Administration is Split on Stem Cell Research Policy,” The New York Times, June 13, 2001.
49. Caravan ORC International Survey for the Coalition for the Advancement of Medical Research, conducted May 10-13, 2001; 1,010 adults 18 and older, +/- 3%.


Patti Miller is editor of Conscience and director of research and writing for Catholics for a Free Choice.

Catholics for Choice